Sunday, April 22, 2018

At Supreme Court, Originalism's Illusory Promise Exposed

      "The life of the law has not been logic," the great Supreme Court justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. once proclaimed, "it has been experience." Holmes' embrace of legal realism in a series of lectures before his judicial career challenged the legal formalists of the era who saw law as nothing more than "syllogisms" or "the axioms and corollaries of a book of mathematics.".
      The formalists of the 19th century stunted the development of the law by preventing workers or others from joining together to protect their interests or recover for the often deadly injuries of the industrial era. Today, a new generation of legal formalists are defying Holmes' practical wisdom by looking not to experience or even to logic, but to what they believe can be discerned as the "original meaning" of the Framers who wrote the U.S. Constitution some 225 years ago.
      Originalists promise in part that originalism can yield definite answers to hard legal issues and thus force judges to decide cases solely on the basis of law instead of their personal views. But the promise is an illusion, as seen in the dueling opinions of the two originalist justices Clarence Thomas and Neil Gorsuch in the Supreme Court's closely divided decision last week [April 17] in an important immigration law case.
      Thomas and Gorsuch clashed on the question of whether the Due Process Clause authorizes courts to strike down laws as unconstitutional on account of vagueness. The two justices came out on opposite sides of the 5-4 decision in Sessions v. Dimaya, with Gorsuch joining the four liberal justices in ruling in favor of the immigrant in the case. Thomas joined with three other conservatives in the main dissent and wrote a separate, history-based dissent for himself alone.
      Thomas and Gorsuch disagreed about the significance of old court decisions dealing with vague laws from 18th century England and 18th and 19th century America. The debate was worthy of an advanced seminar in legal history, but for Filipino immigrant James Dimaya the stakes were anything but academic.
      Dimaya, who immigrated legally to the United States at age 13 in 1992, was facing deportation because of two burglary convictions a decade ago in his adopted home in the San Francisco Bay area. The government moved to deport him under a provision in immigration law that mandates removal for anyone convicted of a "crime of violence." The provision defines that term as a "felony . . . that, by its nature, involves a substantial risk that physical force against the person or property of another may be used in the course of committing the offense."
      Three years ago, the Supreme Court ruled a similarly phrased provision in the federal Armed Career Criminal Act (ACCA) as unconstitutional under the so-called void-for-vagueness doctrine. Thomas agreed with the result in Johnson v. United States (2015), but in a separate opinion he called the void-for-vagueness doctrine inconsistent with the original meaning of the Bill of Rights' Due Process Clause..
      In the new case, Gorsuch noted that none of the other justices had responded to Thomas's view and took on the task himself. Reviewing the cases, Gorsuch concluded that void for vagueness "serves as a faithful expression of ancient due process and separation of powers principles . . . ." Thomas reiterated his "doubts about whether the vagueness doctrine can be squared with the original meaning of the Due Process Clause."
      Paradoxically, Thomas and Gorsuch both favorably cited a 19th century decision by Supreme Court Justice Bushrod Washington as evidence for their opposing views. Presiding as circuit justice in a Pennsylvania case, Washington found a federal law prohibiting seamen from making a "revolt" too vague to allow the government's case to go to the jury.
      Commenting on the two opinions, Evan Bernick, a lecturer at Georgetown Law School and a fellow with the school's originalist Center on the Constitution, sees "not a lot of difference" between Thomas and Gorsuch. Thomas, he explains, would apply vagueness doctrine "on a retail basis" — one case at a time — while Gorsuch would strike down a vague law in its entirety as serving the original purpose of the Due Process Clause.
      Eric Segall, a law professor at Georgia State University and a sometime critic of originalism, sees the difference between the two justices as an example of the difference between an "old" originalism that emphasized judicial deference and a "new" originalism better disposed to so-called "judicial engagement." The shift, in Segall's view, shows that originalism has become "a political symbol" more than a legal methodology. "Once you say no deference," he explains, "given the indeterminacy of history, originalism will not be able to limit judicial choices."
      Bernick and other originalists, such as Case Western Reserve law professor Jonathan Adler, reject the criticism. "No method of interpretation is entirely determinate," Adler replies. Originalism constrains the range of outcomes in constitutional cases, he argues, "but it does not reduce every single case to a single permissible outcome." Bernick similarly views originalism as "marginally more discretion-reducing" than other methods of constitutional interpretation.
      Originalists achieved their biggest victory to date in the Second Amendment gun-rights decision in Heller (2008), written by the godfather of originalism, the late justice Antonin Scalia. Writing for the four dissenters, Justice John Paul Stevens argued just as strongly as Scalia that original meaning pointed the other way. "History is always going to be unclear," Segall contends. With Gorsuch proudly identifying himself as a "committed originalist," legal history may figure prominently in future cases too, but Court watchers should not expect history to provide definite answers.

Saturday, April 14, 2018

Trump Worse Than Nixon for Rule of Law?

      President Richard Nixon's decision to fire Watergate prosecutor Archibald Cox came like a bolt out of the blue on what was otherwise a slow-news, football weekend in October 1973. In the pre-cable news era, all three major television networks interrupted their programming to report that Cox had been fired by the previously unknown solicitor general, Robert Bork, after Attorney General Elliott Richardson and his deputy William Ruckelshaus had resigned rather than carry out Nixon's justice-obstructing order.
      Recalling the episode now 45 years later, Nick Ackerman, one of Cox's assistants, recalled on MSNBC that he left the office that night with several investigative files to safeguard them from possible disappearance or destruction. The precaution proved to be unnecessary. The reaction to the "Saturday Night Massacre" was so instantaneous and so intense that Nixon was forced to acquiesce in the appointment of a new Watergate prosecutor, Leon Jaworski.
      With rampant speculation that President Trump is now on the verge of removing special counsel Robert Mueller from the Russiagate investigation, Nixon is now being recalled, whatever his other faults, aa a believer of sorts in the rule of law. By comparison, Trump appears in this recollection to be a greater threat to the rule of law: a president who might pull out all stops — legal or not, constitutional or not — to thwart the investigation into the Trump campaign's interactions with election-meddling Russian agents.
      Nixon likely had legal authority to remove Cox, his independence at the time unprotected by statute or Justice Department regulation. Richardson and Ruckelshaus refused Nixon's order on the ground that each had promised the Senate in their confirmation hearings to safeguard Cox's position. Today, by contrast, Mueller is protected from removal by a Justice Department regulation that allows Mueller to be removed only "by the personal action of the Attorney General" for "misconduct, dereliction of duty, incapacity, conflict of interest, or for other good cause."
      With Attorney General Jeff Sessions recused from the Russia investigation, the removal power lies instead with the deputy attorney general, Rod Rosenstein, who has publicly defended Mueller's conduct in office up till now. Trump's supporters and surrogates envision indirect steps to oust Mueller — for example, by firing Rosenstein and relying on Solicitor General Noel Francisco to be as compliant to the president's wishes as Bork was 45 years ago. As another alternative, Trump could order Sessions or Rosenstein to rescind the regulation or perhaps use his supposed unitary executive power to nullify the regulation himself.
      The speculation about Mueller's possible removal intensified after the Mueller-approved FBI raid on the New York City offices of Trump's personal attorney, Michael Cohenr, on Monday (Aprl 9), and intensified further after NBC News' report on Thursday (April 12) that Mueller's office was said to be ready to report four findings regarding Trump and obstruction of justice.
      Trump was widely reported to be beyond boiling-mad after news of the raid on Cohen's office broke on Monday morning. He interrupted a meeting of his national security advisors for an extended tirade against Mueller, for his "witch hunt," and Sessions for his "big mistake" to recuse himself from overseeing the Russia investigation. Trump said that FBI agents had "broken into" Cohen's office; that was his description of the lawful execution of a no-knock search warrant signed by a federal magistrate judge in New York.
      Trump surrogates later described the raid as "Gestapo-like," but Cohen himself said FBI agents acted professionally throughout. The raid, actually carried out by the U.S. attorney's office for the southern district of New York, apparently sought information about Cohen's possible involvement in paying "hush money" to porn star Stormy Daniels or other women to quash accusations of Trump's sexual infidelities in the run-up to the November election. Rep. Chris Collins, a New York Republican who was the first in Congress to endorse Trump, was among those who described the raid as going beyond Mueller's authority. In fact, the letter appointing Mueller gives  him authority to take on other matters discovered in the course of the Russia investigation.
      The week ended with NBC's potentially explosive report that Mueller was prepared to give Congress a bill of particulars about Trump's possible obstruction of justice. The report was described as including four findings regarding Trump's firing of FBI director James Comey, his role in crafting the misleading June 2016 statement concerning the Trump Tower meeting with Russian reprsentatives; the White House's discussion of possibly pardoning witnesses in the Russiagate investigation, and his attempt to pressure Sessions into withdrawing his recusal from the case.
      With the accusatory report possibly imminent, Harvard law professor Noah Feldman imagined the hyper-mercurial Trump ready to do almost anything to raise the drawbridges around the White House. "What if Donald Trump tries to fire Robert Mueller — and fails?" Feldman asked in a column forBloomberg. The result, he went on to warn, "could be a constitutional crisis" with neither of them willing to back down and the courts unwilling to intervene for a definitive resolution..
      Nixon "allowed the Constitution to prevail," MSNBC's Lawrence O'Donnell recalled on his program last week. "Donald Trump is no Richard Nixon," he went on, in an oddly unfavorable comparison. The political landscape is also different from 1973: Nixon had few defenders on the Cox firing. But Trump's base, and his Fox News chorus, likely would cheer him on in his defiance. The rule of law could wind up lying seriously wounded at his feet.

Sunday, April 8, 2018

Trump's Not-So-Great Retreats on Foreign Policy

      President Trump used his first overseas trip in May 2017 with its initial stop in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, to signal a sharp break from the Obama administration policies aimed at using U.S. influence to promote human rights in the Arab world. Trump evidently relished the lavish ceremony his Saudi hosts put on for him and reciprocated by sidestepping any mention of such issues as the kingdom's repressive policies on political dissent. "We are not here to lecture," Trump declared. "We are not here to tell people how to live . . . "
      Trump also gave a shoot-out to the other major U.S. ally in the region by predicting improved relations with Bahrain in place of the strains created by Obama-era criticisms of the Sunni government's repression of its Shiite majority population. Seemingly emboldened, the Bahraini government followed only two days later with a raid on the home of the leader of the Shiite opposition that left five protesters dead and more than 50 arrested..
      The sequence of events is emblematic of what a leading human rights advocate calls the "complete sidelining" of human rights in U.S. foreign policy under Trump. Writing in the current issue of Foreign Affairs, Sarah Margon, Washington director of Human Rights Watch, goes so far as to call the Trump administration —  "and the president himself" —  "one of the greatest threats to human rights in decades."
     Margon notes in the article that Trump has not only backed away from criticizing foreign governments with spotty records on human rights but has gone further by actively encouraging repressive policies. One month before the overseas trip, Trump congratulated Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan for winning a disputed referendum that fortified his authoritarian rule. In the same month, he called Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte to congratulate him on his "unbelievable job on the drug problem" — a brutal crackdown of extrajudicial killings that has cost more than 12,000 lives.
      With the United States withdrawing from the field, human rights leadership is now passing to other countries, according to Margon. She cites two encouraging events from recent meetings at the U.N. Human Rights Council in Geneva. The Netherlands helped win approval of an independent investigation of the Saudi-led campaign in Yemen despite opposition not only from Saudi Arabia but also from the United States itself. Iceland took the lead in collecting support from 38 other countries for a joint statement condemning Duterte's war on drugs.
      Margon professes encouragement from the events. "We've seen some movement on issues without American leadership, which is important," she says. With Trump in power, "ad hoc coalitions of like-minded countries will need to become the norm," she writes in the article.
      Margon was one of two authors to appear at a Council on Foreign Relations event in Washington last week [April 6] to launch the March/April issue of Foreign Affairs, with its provocatively titled collection of articles, "Letting Go: Trump, America, and the World." Human rights is not the only and perhaps not even the most important area of retreat that Trump is leading on U.S. foreign policy.
      In his article, Jake Sullivan, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, laments Trump's backing away from what he calls "the post-World War II system of norms, institutions, and partnership that has helped manage disputes, mobilize action, and govern international conduct." Sullivan, who worked in Hillary Clinton's campaign after having served previously in the State Department and in Vice President Joe Biden's office, says these multilateral arrangements have been more successful, even in recent years, than detractors acknowledge.
      As examples, Sullivan cites the mostly successful efforts to contain nuclear proliferation and to recover from the 2008 financial crisis and worldwide recession. He counts as well the Paris climate agreement despite Trump's withdrawal from the accord. "All of these problems require some mode of international cooperation," Sullivan remarked from the stage. The United States, he added, "has been" and "has to be" the catalyst.
      Sullivan recalled in his remarks that he came face to face with one of the detractors while out on the 2016 campaign trail in Ohio. Speaking in Clinton's behalf, Sullivan spoke warmly of her support for "the liberal international order." His remarks finished, one woman in the audience approached him to say: "I don't know what that is, but I don't like any of those three words."
      Like Trump, that Ohio voter apparently sees the post-World War II order that won the Cold War and embodied the American century as more burden than benefit for the American people. Sullivan aptly remarked, on the other hand, that these systems "have served to the United States' advantage."
      Trump is a threat, in large part because of his basic misunderstanding of foreign policy in all its particulars — from trade to security. The threatened pullout from the North American Free Trade Agreement, Sullivan warned, would be "a huge self-inflicted wound." Even if some European countries have fallen short in their NATO obligations, several of them have provided critical support for U.S. policies not only in Europe, but also in, for example, Afghanistan and Iraq.
      In the end, Sullivan thinks the international order sufficiently resilient to withstand one four-year term for Trump, though not necessarily a second. Margon too expects human rights to remain on the international agenda even with Trump's retreat. At this point, one can say no more than this: Time will tell.

Saturday, March 31, 2018

To Impeach Thomas,Too Little, Too Late

      Clarence Thomas should never have been confirmed as a Supreme Court justice. His professional qualifications for the lifetime post were paper thin as of 1991, with only a little over a year on the federal appeals court for the District of Columbia. His temperament as displayed on the bench, in his eight years at the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), and in public speeches and remarks was blatantly injudicious.
      Thomas very likely committed perjury while under oath before the Senate Judiciary Committee when he denied the accusations of sexual harassment made by law professor Anita Hill. Newly uncovered evidence tends to substantiate Hill's accusations and thus buttress the suspicion that Thomas's Senate confirmation by the historically narrow margin of 52-48 was ineradicably tainted. Thomas also dissembled before the committee by responding to persistent questioning that he had never "debated" abortion. That evasion was unmasked by his dissenting vote in his very first term to overturn Roe v. Wade.
      With this new evidence, journalist Jill Abramson, co-author with Jane Mayer of a critical account of the confirmation in Strange Justice, argued in an article in New York magazine in mid-February that it is "time to raise the possibility of impeachment" to examine the "overwhelming evidence" of Thomas's past perjury and post-confirmation accusations of sexual harassment. The call has gone nowhere in the Republican-controlled Congress, which views control of the Supreme Court as its signature accomplishment of the post-Scalia era..
      The evidence against Thomas, even if believed, is too little and too late, however, to warrant the extraordinary step of impeaching a Supreme Court justice. Thomas may not deserve his seat on the Supreme Court, but the country and the Court itself cannot withstand another traumatic episode in the politicization of the nation's last, best hope for equal justice under law.
      History has judged the only impeachment of a Supreme Court justice ever to have been a mistake, however unworthy the justice in question. The early 19th century justice Samuel Chase was an openly partisan Federalist when riding circuit: he openly advocated prosecuting political opponents in what was then called the Republican Party, but he survived impeachment in the Republican-controlled Senate in 1805. President Thomas Jefferson fretted afterward that impeachment was a toothless weapon against entrenched Federalist judges, but history has deemed Chase's acquittal to have helped establish an important safeguard for the independence of the judiciary.
      Impeachment has been of some use, however, in removing corrupt or dishonest judges from lower federal courts, according to a compilation by the Congressional Research service. Among dozens of investigations, 14 lower federal court judges besides Chase have been impeached, including five since 1986. In all, eight have been removed after Senate convictions and four others resigned with impeachment proceedings pending. As Abramson notes, three of those removed in the modern era faced charges for lying: two for perjury (Alcee Hastings and Walter Nixon, both in 1989) and the third for false financial disclosures (Thomas Porteous, in 2010).
      The post-confirmation allegation of sexual harassment by Thomas surfaced in October 2016 from an Alaska lawyer, Moira Smith, who was prompted to go public with a 17-year-old episode after the controversy over Donald Trump's Hollywood Access tape. In her account, as reported by Marcia Coyle in National Law Journal, Smith said that she had felt honored to attend a social dinner with Thomas in 1999 and then embarrassed to have been groped twice by the justice and pressured to sit next to him for the dinner. Thomas denied the accusation.
      In her magazine article, Abramson, who covered the Thomas confirmation for The Wall Street Journal and then served in senior management positions at The New York Times for 17 years, recapitulates the evidence that was available back in 1991 but never formally presented in a public hearing. Joe Biden, then the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, made the fateful — and now apologized for — decision not to call additional witnesses after Hill's dramatic testimony and Thomas's indignant denials.
      Three of those witnesses, including Angela Wright Stanton, a former EEOC staffer like Hill, would have provided similar depictions of Thomas's sexually aggressive conduct while chairman of the agency. Three others would have testified about Thomas's collection of Playboy magazines and his interest in porn videos. It is unknowable whether the testimony would have changed the minds of some in the public or in the Senate. But Stanton has now written an op-ed for Huffington Post that echoes Abramson's call to consider impeachment against Thomas.
      Two other women have belatedly accused Thomas of sexual harassment. Lillian McEwen, who dated Thomas around the same time as Hill's tenure at the EEOC, described a pattern of sexual aggressiveness to Michael Fletcher, co-author with his then Washington Post colleague Kevin Merida of a critical biography of Thomas in 2007. In addition, Abramson reports that an attorney, Karen Walker, has quoted a former BNA reporter, Nancy Montwieler, as recounting sexual harassment by Thomas while she covered the EEOC. But Montwieler refused to confirm the account when Abramson tracked her down in February and then sent Abramson an email denying having made any accusation.
      In short, the new evidence for present-day impeachment is weak, far too weak to expose the Supreme Court to what would inevitably be an intensely partisan proceeding. History does not allow do-overs. The Moving Finger writes, the poet reminds us, and having writ, moves on.

Sunday, March 25, 2018

Scalia's Legacy: The Abiding Contradictions

      Antonin Scalia knew how to dish it out, but he wasn't so good at taking it. Thus, Supreme Court watchers can be sure that the late justice would have nothing good to say about the myth-puncturing critique of Scalia's career that law professor Richard Hasen dishes out in his new book The Justice of Contradictions.
      From his earliest days after joining the Court in 1986, Scalia proclaimed himself to be the apostle of judicial restraint by virtue of his two signature jurisprudential theories: textualism and originalism. In Scalia's telling, a scrupulously scientific focus on statutory text and original constitutional meaning leaves judges, even Supreme Court justices, nothing to do but apply established canons of construction to provide the correct answer to even the most baffling of legal issues.
      Hasen, professor of law and political science at the University of California-Irvine, rightly notes the "hubris" in Scalia's espousal of textualism and originalism. With a quarter-century of teaching law to his credit, Hasen proceeds to deflate Scalia's puffery by proving with clear and convincing evidence that Scalia was simply wrong in claiming for himself to have been consistent in applying his touted techniques.
      Going back to Scalia's earliest years on the Supreme Court, Hasen finds a Scalia opinion in a decision that opens by declaring that a "literal" interpretation of the statute at issue would lead to "an absurd, and perhaps unconstitutional, result." And so, in a concurring in the judgment opinion in Green v. Bock Laundry Machine Co. (1989),  he reads the word "defendant" in a federal evidentiary rule to include "civil plaintiffs" as well.
      Hasen contrasts this willingness to save the rule with Scalia's "relentlessly literal reading" of part of President Obama's Affordable Care Act a quarter-century later in his dissenting opinion in King v. Burwell (2015). The majority sensibly read an inartfully drafted provision to authorize subsidies for individuals buying health insurance not only from the exchanges "established by a state," but also those established by the federal government in states that refused to participate. Scalia wrote a scorching dissent that, had he prevailed, would have doomed Obamacare: an absurd result unless, like Scalia, one wanted the project to fail.
      Scalia's adventures in constitutional originalism were equally susceptible to flexible adaptation to his policy views in Hasen's telling. To establish an individual right to possession of firearms in District of Columbia v. Heller (2008), Scalia scrubbed the Second Amendment of the prefatory clause tying the "right to keep and bear arms" to "a well-regulated militia." He equally had to ignore the pre-Bill of Rights history of colonial and state laws limiting personal possession of firearms.
      Original meaning also carried no weight with Scalia in his interpretation of the Fourteenth Amendment's Equal Protection Clause to prohibit any preferential treatment for disadvantaged minorities in modern-day affirmative action policies. One of Scalia's law clerks noted to the justice that the post-Civil War Congress that approved the Fourteenth Amendment also enacted laws specifically aimed at benefiting the newly emancipated African Americans. The clerk suggested Scalia needed to explain the discrepancy, but the justice never did.
      More than any justice in history, Scalia engaged in sharp, personal criticism of those who disagreed with him, even his Supreme Court colleagues. Yet, as Hasen notes, Scalia "bristled" at criticism and was dismissive of critics. He famously rebuffed any re-examination of the blatant partisanship in Bush v. Gore (2000) with blunt advice: "Get over it," he said. Hasen also recounts Scalia's non-response to a query from the noted constitutional law scholar Jeffrey Rosen on how to reconcile his originalism with the school desegregation decision in Brown v. Board of Education (1954). "No theory is perfect," Scalia answered.
      Scalia may have accepted Brown, but he refused to bow to other constitutional landmarks. Five decades after the landmark privacy decision in Griswold v. Connecticut (1965), Scalia told an interviewer flatly that there is no right to privacy; Griswold, he said, was simply "wrong." Nor did Scalia ever accept that the Fourteenth Amendment applied to sex discrimination: the signature legacy of Ruth Bader Ginsburg's pre-Supreme Court career. And he fulminated in two of the landmark gay rights decisions against what he insisted on calling "the homosexual agenda" despite ignoring the suggestion from one of his law clerks that the phrasing was gratuitously incendiary.
      Hasen acknowledges that Scalia was "full of charm," well liked from all accounts by his fellow justices, even those on the opposite side such as Ginsburg. But his book reminds Court watchers of the wretched state of equal justice under law that Scalia would have left as his legacy had his views prevailed. Women would be powerless against official sex discrimination. Gay men and lesbians could be prosecuted for intimate relationships. Corporations could give unlimited amounts of money directly to candidates for federal office.
      Apart from his questionable jurisprudence, Hasen is perhaps most critical of Scalia for single-handedly coarsening judicial discourse at the Court and in law world generally. Sometimes, the sneering may have seemed light-hearted, as when Scalia accused the majority in King v. Burwell of "jiggery-pokery." But often his sneering had a sharper edge. Scalia's rhetoric served to make the Court "a more politicized, and perhaps more political, institution," Hasen writes. In the end, Hasen concludes, Scalia "helped to delegitimize the institution he was trying to save." His legacy, in short: an abiding contradiction.

Sunday, March 18, 2018

Time for Court to Stop Abuse of First Amendment

      The Supreme Court will be asked on Tuesday [March 20], in the name of the First Amendment, to nullify a California law requiring anti-abortion women's health clinics to tell women where they can obtain information about free or low-cost abortion services. The case, National Institute of Family and Life Advocates v. Becerra, represents the third time this term that political conservatives have urged justices committed to an originalist interpretation of the Constitution to find in the Free Speech Clause meanings that James Madison and the other Framers could never have intended or contemplated.
      The anti-abortion pregnancy resource centers represented by the trade association known by its initials as NIFLA are well within their First Amendment rights to try to dissuade "abortion-vulnerable women" from terminating their pregnancies. But it is an abuse of high order for them to invoke the First Amendment as an exemption from the kind of government-mandated disclosure well recognized in health care and countless other contexts.
      The California Reproductive FACT Act — FACT is an acronym for "Freedom, Accountability, Comprehensive Care, and Transparency — seeks to counter what critics of these so-called crisis pregnancy centers depict as their blatantly misleading practices. The law, enacted in 2015, requires centers that are licensed as medical clinics to post a notice about the availability of free or low-cost family planning services, complete with a telephone number of the local social services center. A second, narrower provision requires unlicensed centers to post a notice that they are not licensed and have no licensed medical provider on staff.
      The misleading tactics by these centers — they number more than 3,000 nationwide — have been well documented in investigative news stories and in a thorough report three years ago by the abortion-rights group NARAL Pro-Choice America. The billboards, public transit ads, and online advertising all convey to women — "pregnant and scared" — a welcoming environment that offers medical services and counseling to help them through a personal crisis.
      Instead, the women who visit these clinics are given misleading information about the risks of abortion and subjected to anti-abortion moralizing. Autumn Burke, the California legislator who cosponsored the bill, recalled to Newsweek that she started working on the issue after a chance visit to one of the centers in downtown Los Angeles. She spotted the clinic while on an unrelated errand and picked up an informational pamphlet from the center that repeated the discredited falsehood that abortions are linked to breast cancer.
      The NARAL report, based on undercover investigations of centers in 10 states across the nation, found that counselors at what NARAL calls "fake health centers" misinform women that they will be unable to bear children in the future if they have an abortion. They also counsel women to postpone a decision on whether to have an abortion — contradicting the accurate medical advice to terminate a pregnancy as early as possible to avoid possible complications.
      NIFLA calls the disclosure for licensed clinics a "compelled abortion referral" and insists that it cannot be constitutional to require a clinic opposed to abortion to provide that information to patients. It calls the other provision a "negative disclaimer" and finds it equally unconstitutional to require centers to disparage the services they offer. The arguments do not hold water. Mandatory disclosure laws often require commercial businesses to tell customers about availability of information elsewhere and often require negative disclosures about their products or services — for example, the building energy use now required for real estate transactions in many jurisdictions.
      In its amicus brief defending the California law, the progressive Constitutional Accountability Center rightly argues that the measure promotes First Amendment values by ensuring that consumers have access to accurate information about their rights to state-funded care and how to access these benefits. A decision to strike down the law could have ramifications for disclosure laws generally, the brief warns.
      Moreover, the anti-abortion lobby is guilty of hypocrisy of the highest order in claiming a constitutional harm from government-compelled speech. Anti-abortion forces are responsible for what the Guttmacher Institute counts as 29 states that require women's health clinics to provide various bits of false or misleading information to women planning to terminate a pregnancy. Most commonly, two-thirds of the states require women be warned of future fertility issues; among other warnings, 13 states require women be told that a fetus feels pain after 20 weeks, and smaller numbers require warnings about breast cancer or depression. Not true: any of it.
      Political liberals who have long cherished freedom of speech might welcome the legal and political conservatives who now embrace free speech so enthusiastically but for their twisting of the First Amendment for political ends as seen in two high-profile cases already argued this term. In Masterpiece Cakeshop, the justices have been asked to give a commercial baker a First Amendment exemption to discriminate against a same-sex couple ordering a wedding cake. In Janus, a disaffected state employee wants a free-speech exemption from a mandatory fee to the public employee union that represents him on workplace issues.
      Principled conservatives should see these for the phony free-speech claims that they are. But the arguments in the two earlier cases point tentatively to rulings by the conservative majority that exploit rather than enforce the First Amendment. A genuinely free-speech Court would have more respect for the First Amendment than to allow such abuse.

Sunday, March 11, 2018

High Court Rules Out Bail in Immigration Cases

      The Supreme Court has given the government free rein to jail thousands of immigrants in substandard detention facilities for months on end with no chance whatsoever to appear before a judge to try to be released on bail.
      In different times, news of the Court's due process-denying decision in Jennings v. Rodriguez would have gotten wide attention on front pages and home pages of major newspapers. But, as the Washington Post columnist Ruth Marcus aptly pointed out in noting the back-page coverage of the ruling,  "the Trump administration's soap opera occupies so much media attention that other matters of enormous importance go unremarked."
      The 5-3 decision on Feb. 27 pitted the Court's five Republican-appointed conservatives, including the moderate justice Anthony M. Kennedy, against three Democratic-appointed liberals, with one of their number — Elena Kagan — recused because of her previous role as U.S. solicitor general. The decision says less about partisan politics, however, than about the divide on the Court between the sterile textualism of the conservatives and the liberal justices' whole-law approach to reading statutes.
      The federal immigration statutes at issue in the case provide in stark language that certain aliens "shall be detained" at the border upon seeking admission into the United States, including those applying for asylum as they flee persecution in their home countries. A separate provision provides that aliens already in the United States "shall be detained" as the government seeks to deport them based on prior criminal convictions or terrorism-related connections.
      Writing for the majority, Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. needed to know nothing more. The laws say nothing about bail hearings: end of case. But the federal appeals court in California invoked a well-recognized doctrine known as "constitutional avoidance" in concluding that the laws would be unconstitutional unless they were construed to provide for bail hearings.
      For the liberal dissenters, Justice Stephen G. Breyer felt so strongly about the case that he exercised the occasionally invoked prerogative to summarize his dissent from the bench. His 33-page written opinion, longer than Alito's for the majority, details the humanitarian wreckage and legal injury that the decision inflicts.
      The right to bail, Breyer emphasized, has been part of Anglo-American law ever since the 18th century English jurist Blackstone recognized the opportunity for bail "in any case whatsoever." The Bill of Rights prohibits "excessive bail" in the Eighth Amendment: no bail whatsoever seems worse. Breyer also stressed that federal and state law uniformly allow bail for criminal defendants except in limited circumstances. No evidence suggests that the risk of flight is greater for aliens trying to enter the country than for criminal suspects,  Breyer remarked.
      Most of the aliens held at the border have done nothing wrong, Breyer explained. The asylum applicants — they numbered 7,500 in 2015 —  have already provided preliminary information to support their claim to a U.S. consular official in their home countries. Two-thirds of them eventually receive asylum, but only after detentions in facilities within the United States that can last a year or even, in one case, two-and-a-half years.
      Others detained at the border are held in limbo because they are neither admissible or inadmissible without further investigation. Breyer had no data on their numbers or the lengths of their detentions, but one can assume that they too lingered and languished in what Breyer called "inappropriately poor" conditions as the immigration system's wheels ground slowly.
      The third group in the class action consisted of immigrants living in the United States facing deportation because of criminal convictions or possible ties to terrorism. The ex-offenders, Breyer explained, had already served their sentences: more than half of them for less than six months. Many of them are found to be deportable, but 40 percent of them are eventually granted relief from removal. In the meantime, however, they too are detained for periods that range up to and past a full year and, in one case, for nearly four years.
      None of these disquieting details can be found in the majority opinion. In Scaliaesque fashion, the five justices see nothing beyond a few words in the statutory text: "shall be detained." They look for words, not meaning; law, not justice. Congress, quite simply, could not have meant to deny the chance for bail to immigrants held for months or even years with no chance whatsoever to make their case for release before a judge required to give their plea due consideration.
      A statute with that effect offends the words of the Constitution--for example, the Fifth Amendment's prohibition against deprivations of liberty without due process of law. Rather than read the statute with the tunnel vision of a lexicographer, Breyer and the other dissenters would read it as requiring periodic bail hearings "without doing violence to the statutory language or to the provisions' basic purposes."
      Inside this clouded decision, however, there is a silver lining. The plaintiffs' constitutional claims have not yet been decided. The federal appeals court skirted the question by construing the statutes to avoid finding them unconstitutional.
      The majority express no view on the issue in sending the case back to the Ninth Circuit for a ruling. Breyer and his colleagues were ready to decide the issue now. Instead, Breyer closes by citing the Declaration of Independence's "unalienable" right to liberty in hoping for an eventual ruling to grant "the basic right to bail" for thousands of aliens yearning for nothing more than to breathe free.